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Showing Original Post only (View all)To the six black-robed traitors on SCOTUS: [View all]
Keep your Dirty, Immoral, Un-American Christian-Nationalist hands off the Federal Circuit's en banc ruling striking down 47's tariffs.
Just SAY NO! Deny any emergency motion. Deny certionari of any appeal.
https://www.nationalreview.com/corner/divided-federal-circuit-gets-it-right-on-trumps-unlawful-tariffs/
....
The three judges of the CIT found unanimously, with good reason, that the worldwide and retaliatory tariffs lack any identifiable limits and are unbounded . . . by any limitation in duration or scope and thus did not fit IEEPAs statutory definition of an emergency tariff.
Trump supporters have argued that Congress has delegated broad authorities to the president to set tariffs under a variety of statutes. But each such delegation has different conditions and limitations; what matters is that these tariffs have been justified and defended in court as national emergencies under IEEPA. The courts have been unpersuaded that we live in a state of permanent national emergency that is global in scope and decades-long in duration, requiring swift executive action on the theory that Congress could never assemble in time to address the issue.
As the court noted, its not even obvious that the statutory language (of IEEPA) delegates any tariff power at all. Consider what the statute empowers the president to do:
As the court observed:
...
Three concurring judges, while joining the opinion, added their concern that Trumps interpretation of IEEPA would be a functionally limitless delegation of Congressional taxation authority, which would present serious constitutional questions a position for which they invoked the views of Justice Neil Gorsuch.
The three judges of the CIT found unanimously, with good reason, that the worldwide and retaliatory tariffs lack any identifiable limits and are unbounded . . . by any limitation in duration or scope and thus did not fit IEEPAs statutory definition of an emergency tariff.
Trump supporters have argued that Congress has delegated broad authorities to the president to set tariffs under a variety of statutes. But each such delegation has different conditions and limitations; what matters is that these tariffs have been justified and defended in court as national emergencies under IEEPA. The courts have been unpersuaded that we live in a state of permanent national emergency that is global in scope and decades-long in duration, requiring swift executive action on the theory that Congress could never assemble in time to address the issue.
As the court noted, its not even obvious that the statutory language (of IEEPA) delegates any tariff power at all. Consider what the statute empowers the president to do:
investigate, block during the pendency of an investigation, regulate, direct and compel, nullify, void, prevent or prohibit, any acquisition, holding, with-holding, use, transfer, withdrawal, transportation, importation or exportation of, or dealing in, or exercising any right, power, or privilege with respect to, or transactions involving, any property in which any foreign country or a national thereof has any interest by any person, or with respect to any property, subject to the jurisdiction of the United States.
As the court observed:
Notably, when drafting IEEPA, Congress did not use the term tariff or any of its synonyms, like duty or tax. There are numerous statutes that do delegate to the President the power to impose tariffs; in each of these statutes that we have identified, Congress has used clear and precise terms to delegate tariff power, reciting the term duties or one of its synonyms. In contrast, none of these statutes uses the broad term regulate without also separately and explicitly granting the President the authority to impose tariffs. The absence of any such tariff language in IEEPA contrasts with statutes where Congress has affirmatively granted such power and included clear limits on that power.
...
Three concurring judges, while joining the opinion, added their concern that Trumps interpretation of IEEPA would be a functionally limitless delegation of Congressional taxation authority, which would present serious constitutional questions a position for which they invoked the views of Justice Neil Gorsuch.
You bastards already gave the U.S. President the immunity of a King. Don't give that office the taxation authority of a King.
And while you are at it, perhaps, be on the look out for cases that will enable you to overturn the horrific decisions you have handed down in the past three decades.
It is not too late to redeem yourselves, and thereby redeem the soul of the nation.
Wouldn't you say that events have proven SCOTUS has been abso-fucking-lutely wrong on almost every major decision in recent history?
Our constitutional democracy was designed to move TOWARD, not AWAY FROM "A more perfect union" Isn't it time to admit that the rights we formerly enjoyed as human beings living under that constitutional democracy have been so undermined by your decisions that finding some good cases that will enable you to overturn those decisions is a moral imperative?
If you allow the immunity you granted in Trump v. United States to stand; if corporations with bottomless pockets continue to enjoy the right to unlimited political spending that you granted in Citizen's United is allowed to stand; if the right to control women you granted in Dobbs is allowed to stand, you might as well just tear up that constitution SCOTUS was designed to uphold.
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